Social Security touches the life of every American, both directly and indirectly. We help older Americans, workers who become disabled, wounded warriors, and families in which a spouse or parent dies. Today, about million people work and pay Social Security taxes, and about 64 million people receive monthly Social Security benefits. When the time comes for that first job, the number is already in place. You will need to provide proof that you are the legal parents of the child. For more information, read Security Numbers for Children.
You can also view all our publications here. A fun bonus of assigning Social Security numbers at birth is that we know the most popular baby nameswhich we announce each year. On our website, you can find the top baby names for the last years. Your employer verifies your Social Security number with us at every new job. Doing so helps reduce fraud and improves the accuracy of your earnings records. This is how we track your earnings and is how you earn Social Security retirement, disability, and survivors coverage for you and your family.
A worker earns up to four Social Security credits each year and needs 40 credits, or 10 years of work, to qualify for retirement benefits.
Verify your earnings record by creating a my Social Security account and checking your Social Security Statement. On June 26,the U. Supreme Court issued a decision in Obergefell v. Hodges, holding that same-sex couples have a constitutional right to marry in all states and have their marriage recognized by other states. This decision made it possible for more same-sex couples and their families to benefit from our programs. We encourage you to apply right away for benefits, even if you are not sure you are eligible.
Applying now will protect you against the loss of any potential benefits. Marriage is the start of a new chapter in your life. Your marital status is important for our retirement, survivor, and disability programs because you or your spouse could be entitled to benefits or a higher benefit amount based on the relationship. Children or stepchildren could also be entitled to benefits. For some surviving spouses, divorced spouses, and adults disabled during childhood, benefits could end if they marry.
We also recognize same-sex marriages and some non-marital legal relationships established in foreign jurisdictions for purposes of determining entitlement to Social Security benefits, Medicare entitlement, and SSI.
If you already receive Social Security benefits, you must tell us if you get married, enter a non-marital legal relationship, or divorce because your marital status may affect your entitlement to benefits.
If we stop your benefits because of marriage or remarriage, we may start them again if the marriage ends. If you have questions about how a same-sex marriage or non-marital legal relationship affects your claim, please call us toll-free at or at our TTY number,if you are deaf or hard of hearing.
Or you can contact your local Social Security office. Whenever you change your name, be sure to report the change to us. Otherwise, your earnings may not be recorded properly and you may not receive all the benefits you are due. We will provide you with an updated Social Security card. Disability benefits provide financial support for disabled workers and their dependents, including our wounded warriors. You can apply for Social Security disability benefits online.
The loss of a loved one can be both emotionally and financially difficult. Some widows, widowers, and children may receive survivor benefits to help them cope with the financial loss.
Unmarried children who are under age 18 up to age 19 if attending elementary or secondary school full time can be eligible to receive Social Security benefits when a parent dies. Social Security is a lifeline for most retirees, keeping tens of millions out of poverty. Fifty-one percent of the workforce has no private pension coverage.Historically, same-sex couples faced multiple obstacles to parenting. On a more routine or daily basis, a same-sex parent could find himself or herself unable to sign field trip permission slips or give medical consent for a child.
After the legalization of same-sex marriage in Obergefell v.
Hodgesmarried same-sex parents around the country are supposed to be able to enjoy the same rights as opposite-sex parents. The majority opinion even noted that a basis for marriage equality is safeguarding families and children. However, some obstacles remain, partly due to social biases towards dual-gender parenting and partly due to the gendered way laws are phrased in some states. Unmarried same-sex couples were unaffected by Obergefell v. Hodges with regard to their parenting rights.
However, some states continue to resist the application of this presumption to same-sex couples. In cases of surrogacy, often used by gay men to conceive, some states continue to pass gendered laws that present obstacles for same-sex couples. In every state but California, a child is only recognized as having two parents.
This means that there may be situations in many states where, for example, it will be necessary for same-sex spouses using reproductive assistance to litigate against a donor who has never been an intended parent in order to ensure that they have full legal custody rights over a child conceived during their marriage. What is supposed to be a legal presumption may still need to be fought for through litigation in certain parts of the country.
It is not entirely clear how much same-sex parents will be protected against challenges to their rights and duties. Depending on where they live, same-sex couples having children after Obergefell may still need to protect themselves by using second parent adoption or obtaining a parentage judgment from the courts. With the legalization of same-sex marriage, married LGBTQ couples in most states have the right to adopt.
Adoption gives both parents, regardless of their biological relationship to a child, legal custody rights over a child. If you and your spouse divorce, a non-biological adoptive parent will have equal rights to seek custody and visitation. In many states, child custody is determined based on the best interests of a child, and courts assume that it is in the best interests of a child to be parented by both legal parents.
In stepparent adoption, the non-biological spouse can adopt a child that was already born to his or her spouse. Where neither spouse is the biological parent of a child, both may need to adopt a child to ensure their equal legal rights and duties with regard to the child. It is possible for same-sex spouses to have a non-biological parent function as a parent without ever adopting a child or obtaining a parentage judgment from a court. This may be a safe option in certain states where the parents were legally married when they conceived the child and there are no threats to custody posed by an individual outside the marriage.
However, this may be a very risky choice in certain states that did not recognize marriage equality before Obergefellespecially if a child was conceived or born prior to the marriage. If the couple divorces in certain states, the non-biological parent still risks not having custody or not getting any visitation. Last updated July Nationwide, disputes are raging about what the U. Aside from the most glaring harm of intentionally and officially depriving countless children of either their father or their mother for a lifetime, we should not fail to recognize that the further we go down this road of separating parental rights from biological ties, the closer we move towards enabling the State to usurp parental rights altogether.
Once having removed the most sacred, significant, and objective measure of parenthood from its nature — biological procreation — the State by default will delegate authority and recognize rights of parenthood however and to whomever it pleases. This also means that children, and therefore all people, will increasingly become subjects of the State rather than citizens in a free society. Historical Note: We fought a revolution to untether ourselves from that very kind of tyranny. Welcome to the world, little one.
Meet your Parents, the State. What we should have learned by now is that the extent to which the government intrudes upon the dominion of the family, we lose in equal measure the opportunity to govern ourselves.
And when that happens, we cease to be free. Even if, in the end, we were all theoretically okay with that arrangement, we should still know that the State can never be an effective parent for any child. It takes a mom and a dad. Knowing this to be true, as citizens in a free society who wish to so remainwe owe it to every child and every parent to see that by all means — governmental and nongovernmental — they are ensured that opportunity.
This article was originally published at The Family Foundation blog. Related Articles. IFI Action Alerts. Get Our New App! Illinois Family Institute has a working relationship with these organizations:. Sanctity of Life. Read More. Fighting against forced abortion coverage. Cancel Culture is Upon Us. Three Steps to Start Homeschooling Now.
Transgenderism is Now Rated G. Leftists Canceling and Cannibalizing Their Own. Evil men don't understand the importance of justice, but those who follow the Lord are much concerned about it.Four states, Michigan, Kentucky, Ohio, and Tennessee, have laws that define marriage as a union of one man and one woman.
The Fourteenth Amendment requires a state to license same-sex marriages, and to recognize same-sex marriages licensed and performed in other states. The fact that same-sex couples desire to participate in the institution of marriage shows their deep respect for the institution. Thus, opponents of same-sex marriage are wrong to claim that allowing same-sex couples to marry demeans the institution.
Also, though the institution of marriage has been around for centuries, its history has been characterized by change. Arranged marriages, the law of coverture, and other antiquated notions of marriage have given way to more modern conceptions of the institution.
Such evolution has not weakened, but rather strengthened, the institution. In fact, the acceptance of same-sex couples over the last several decades shows that public attitudes shift over time. Burdening the liberty of same-sex couples, but not that of opposite-sex couples, shows that current laws are inherently unequal.
The Court sees immediate harm being inflicted upon the petitioners due to the laws at issue in the case. Finally, because all states must license same-sex marriage as a fundamental right, it naturally follows that states must also recognize same-sex marriages licensed in other states. Dissenting Opinion Roberts :. Even if allowing same-sex marriage is rooted in fairness, it is not addressed by the Constitution. Accordingly, the decision on whether to allow same-sex marriage should be left up to the states.
Other Court expansions of marriage laws are not applicable here because they did not change the very definition of marriage. The Court should not go too far into judicial policymaking. Rather, it is for the states to make a legislative determination about how marriage is defined, and the Constitution leaves that determination to the states.
The legislative history of the due process clauses in the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments was rooted in retraining government power, not granting entitlements. The majority decision also infringes on religious rights.
The states, through the legislative process, should be allowed to make that judgment between competing interests of same-sex couples and religious communities.Does the Fourteenth Amendment require states to license or recognize same-sex marriages performed out-of-state?
The Supreme Court will rule on whether the Fourteenth Amendment requires states to recognize same-sex marriages lawfully performed out-of-state and to grant same-sex marriage licenses. Haslam and Bourge v. However, Respondent Richard Hodges—whose position generally aligns with the various Respondents in the consolidated cases Tanco v. On the second issue, Petitioner Deboer—from the consolidated case Deboer v.
Snyder—argues that Due Process and the Equal Protection Clauses of the Constitution require that states license same-sex marriage, and compels the Court to rule on this issue. Obergefell and Arthur married inside of the jet as it was parked on a Maryland tarmac. That same day, the newly married couple returned to Cincinnati, Ohio.
However, Ohio state laws— Ohio Rev.
HaslamDeBoer v. Snyderand Bourke v.Former Homophobic People Reveal What Made Them Change Their Views - AskReddit
Beshear —to determine whether the Fourteenth Amendment requires a state to 1 recognize lawfully licensed same-sex marriages performed out-of-state and 2 grant same-sex marriage licenses. The Supreme Court will contemplate whether the Fourteenth Amendment requires a state to recognize lawfully licensed, out-of-state same-sex marriage.
Windsor or under the applicable heightened scrutiny standard. Additionally, the Supreme Court may decide whether the Fourteenth Amendment requires states to grant same-sex marriage licenses. Deboer, Petitioner in Deboer v. Snyder consolidated with the other casesargues that the Constitution demands that the Court require states to license same-sex marriage under principles of due process and equal protection.
Obergefell claims that the history behind the Ohio recognition laws is a near mirror image of the impermissible purpose that drove the enactment of DOMA. For instance, Obergefell claims that the Ohio recognition laws place a severe burden on these couples to amass legal documents such as adoption decrees to obtain vital legal protections that married heterosexual couples automatically receive.
Hodges counters that Windsor does not require states to recognize out-of-state same-sex marriages. Next, Obergefell cites United States v. The Supreme Court, Hodges argues, has never applied heightened scrutiny to laws that allegedly discriminated based on sexual orientation.
Next, Hodges emphasizes that a suspect classification depends on lack of political power. In Deboer v.This Essay examines the interplay between state statutes that created and regulate civil unions for same-sex couples and the landmark ruling in Obergefell v.
It observes Obergefell was silent on how to treat civil unions, and argues that Obergefell presents two competing definitions of marriage. These competing definitions expose the costs and legal complications queer Americans continue to bear in both family-formation and dissolution. The Essay contends these costs are mediated by the formal disjunction between substantive equality in Obergefell and the regulatory processes which incepted and proceeded it.
The Essay concludes with a survey of developments in post- Obergefell litigation around civil unions. Hodges, Harv. It is outside the scope of this Essay to consider the growing and urgent analyses of Obergefell as differently experienced along lines of class, race and citizenship. For more, please see: R. The materiality and immateriality of same-sex 2 2. This Essay adopts this limiting language only as necessary for references and citations.
See Luke A. This Essay opens with the historicized assumption that any Supreme Court decision—despite its posturing to the contrary—initiates the social change it alleges to ratify. The heteronormative anxieties of Obergefell extend beyond the wellbeing of American children and work additionally to situate new material parameters of queer intimacy within the institutional framework of marriage.
This Essay examines how these anxieties drive lower court proceedings. Part I of this Essay opens with a case concerned with the regulatory problems Obergefell leaves unresolved.
The Supreme Court Recognized Marriage Equality Three Years Ago. Now Same-Sex Adoption Is in Danger.
Guidry, A. In the struggle for and legal history of marriage equality, state legislatures and statutes have been primarily focused on developing alternative forms of union for same-sex couples. As praxis, regulation has both distributed and integrated common law approaches to equality.
Part III concludes this Essay with a brief consideration of how civil union litigation can anchor strategies for activism after marriage equality.Hodges, striking as unconstitutional state-level bans on same-sex marriage.
And in that time, religious conservatives have zeroed in on the familial rights of LGBTQ people in their efforts to roll back the civil rights gains promised by the Obergefell decision. First, there are the legislative attacks. At least seven other states have similar laws or policies on the books already. When fertility treatments proved unsuccessful, the couple began to consider foster parenting and adoption. The timing seemed fortuitous: Marouf and Esplin began the licensing process to become foster parents for a refugee child.
They never got the chance: CCFW rejected them immediately as foster parents. HHS funds the program the couple was turned away from. Their case is pending in federal court in Washington, D. Henry McMaster R personally intervened with HHS to try and secure a religious exemption from federal nondiscrimination laws for a Christian child-placement agency in that state.
That is a very direct harm to the children. Not all child-placement agencies are alike, Cooper explained.
Obergefell v. Hodges
Some may specialize in medically sensitive children or children with significant behavioral issues, for example. That stigma—the harm of being turned away for who you are—is precisely what Justice Anthony Kennedy focused on in his majority opinion in Obergefell. Same-sex couples are entitled to the same dignity as couples of the opposite sex, and when they are singled out for disfavor, he said, that dignity is harmed.
But while historic in its recognition of marriage equality, the Obergefell decision is also at its heart a conservative one. The dignity of same-sex couples is only recognized in relation to the dignity of traditional marriage, which is perhaps the most conservative social institution we have. Advocates sued to block the lawarguing the measure was unconstitutional. The case had been dismissed on procedural grounds. It could be at least a year or more before the federal courts definitively decide whether the dignity of LBGTQ people or the religious objections of evangelicals will win out in these cases.
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